Tuesday, December 2, 2025

A Scholarly Observation on Ritual Invocation in Islam and Ancestral Traditions

A Scholarly Observation on Ritual Invocation in Islam and Ancestral Traditions
By Dr. Maxwell Shimba, Shimba Theological Institute

From a theological and anthropological standpoint, Islam incorporates ritual practices that involve the frequent invocation of the Prophet Muhammad’s name within daily religious observances. Muslims recite blessings and salutations upon Muhammad in their prayers (known as Salat), recognizing him as the final messenger of God.

However, from a comparative religious analysis, this practice has been interpreted by some scholars as bearing resemblance to ancestral veneration customs found in various traditional religions, where the names or memories of departed figures are invoked as part of spiritual devotion.

While adherents of Islam maintain that these invocations express respect and acknowledgment of prophethood rather than worship, critics argue that such repetition exhibits elements of ritual remembrance parallel to ancient pagan forms of reverence toward the dead.

This contrast illustrates the complex intersection between monotheistic devotion and ritual remembrance in world religions—raising important questions about how faith traditions preserve divine worship while honoring historical or prophetic figures.



A Theological Question on Jesus’ Language in the Qur’an

A Theological Question on Jesus’ Language in the Qur’an
By Dr. Maxwell Shimba, Shimba Theological Institute

A simple but revealing question arises when we consider the portrayal of Jesus (ʿĪsā) in the Qur’an: What language did Jesus speak?

The Qur’an presents Jesus as a historical figure sent to the Children of Israel (Qur’an 3:49; 61:6), yet it does not explicitly mention the language he used. Historically and contextually, Jesus spoke Aramaic, the common tongue of first-century Jewish Palestine.

This raises an interesting point for comparative theology: the Qur’an is in Arabic, and all of Jesus’ speeches and miracles are recorded in Arabic within Islamic scripture. Therefore, readers and scholars must reconcile how a figure who historically spoke Aramaic is represented as speaking Arabic in the Qur’anic text.

This question opens a space for critical discussion about historical context, linguistic translation, and theological interpretation within Islam — and invites interfaith dialogue on how sacred texts present historical figures.



Unequal Equality? A Critical Examination of Race, Gender, and Hierarchy in Early Islamic Texts

Title: Unequal Equality? A Critical Examination of Race, Gender, and Hierarchy in Early Islamic Texts
By Dr. Maxwell Shimba, Shimba Theological Institute

Abstract:
Islam is often presented as a religion promoting universal equality and social justice. Yet, a careful analysis of early Islamic texts—including the Qur’an, Hadith literature, and biographical sources such as Ibn Ishaq’s Sirat Rasul Allah—reveals persistent hierarchies based on race, gender, and Arab identity. This article examines these texts critically, exposing tensions between Islam’s theological claims of equality and the practical implications of its early interpretations.


1. Introduction

Islamic theology frequently emphasizes that all humans are equal before God. Yet, a deeper exploration of foundational texts shows that equality is often framed in a selective or hierarchical manner. Certain passages appear to marginalize specific groups—most notably women and Black communities—both in moral and eschatological terms. By analyzing these texts in historical and cultural context, this article seeks to understand how early Islamic literature constructs social hierarchies and the implications for contemporary interpretations.


2. Race and Moral Symbolism

Qur’an 3:106 describes the blackening of faces in the context of divine judgment. While some commentators interpret this as symbolic of shame or moral failure, historical reception demonstrates that such imagery has frequently been racialized. Early Islamic narratives, including Ibn Ishaq’s Sirat Rasul Allah, at times link Blackness with demonic imagery, creating an association between racial identity and moral corruption. These constructions contribute to a subtle but persistent racial hierarchy that privileges Arab identity over non-Arab peoples.


3. Gender and Eschatology

Hadith literature, particularly Sahih Bukhari, asserts that women constitute the majority of Hell’s inhabitants. Exegesis often attributes this to women’s supposed moral or spiritual failings, including ingratitude or disobedience. This depiction mirrors broader 7th-century Arabian social norms in which women were frequently assigned subordinate roles, yet the theological framing extends these limitations into the eschatological realm. Such narratives reinforce the perception of women as inherently more prone to failure in spiritual and moral terms.


4. Arab Supremacy and Cultural Hierarchy

The Qur’an repeatedly underscores the primacy of Arabs, emphasizing their role as preservers of the Arabic language and genealogical lineage. This Arab-centric framework intersects with both racial and gender hierarchies, creating a multi-layered social stratification: Arabs at the top, women and non-Arabs often positioned as morally or spiritually inferior. Consequently, the text’s universalistic claims of equality coexist uneasily with these culturally specific hierarchies, revealing a tension between theological ideals and historical realities.


5. Theological and Ethical Critique

The hierarchical treatment of race and gender in early Islamic texts raises significant ethical and theological questions. While Islam purports to advocate universal equality, textual evidence suggests that equality is conditional, favoring Arab men while subordinating women and Black communities.

  • Racial Implications: Associating moral failure or divine punishment with Blackness undermines the universality of God’s justice. Such interpretations implicitly validate historical racial hierarchies and may contribute to systemic inequities in societies influenced by these texts.

  • Gender Implications: Portraying women as the majority of Hell’s inhabitants contradicts the claim of spiritual equality and imposes a moral burden based on gender alone. This framework perpetuates patriarchal structures under the guise of divine authority.

  • Ethical Tensions: The intersection of race, gender, and Arab identity illustrates a selective application of divine justice. Textual hierarchies create ethical dilemmas: if equality before God is truly universal, why do these texts consistently privilege certain groups over others?

This critique demonstrates that Islam’s proclaimed egalitarianism is complicated by historical, textual, and interpretive factors that elevate certain communities while marginalizing others. Addressing these contradictions is essential for any contemporary theological or ethical engagement with Islam.


6. Conclusion

This study reveals a persistent tension between Islam’s theological assertion of equality and the hierarchical treatment of race, gender, and Arab identity in foundational texts. Women and non-Arab communities, particularly Black individuals, are disproportionately associated with spiritual failure, while Arab men are positioned as morally and culturally superior. Recognizing and critically analyzing these textual hierarchies is vital for scholars, theologians, and practitioners seeking a more equitable understanding of Islamic ethics and theology.


References

  1. The Qur’an.

  2. Sahih Bukhari.

  3. Ibn Ishaq, Sirat Rasul Allah.

  4. Rahman, F. (1980). Major Themes of the Qur’an. University of Chicago Press.

  5. Esposito, J. (2002). Islam: The Straight Path. Oxford University Press.

  6. Ahmed, L. (1992). Women and Gender in Islam. Yale University Press.



Islamic Halal Slaughter: A Theological and Ethical Critique

Islamic Halal Slaughter: A Theological and Ethical Critique

By Dr. Maxwell Shimba

From both a theological and ethical standpoint, the practice of halal slaughter without stunning raises serious moral and scientific concerns. Within Islamic jurisprudence, halal slaughter (dhabiha) requires that the animal be fully conscious at the moment of death, and that its throat be cut while invoking the name of Allah. This process, however, stands in stark contrast to modern principles of animal welfare and humane treatment, which emphasize the reduction of pain and suffering in sentient creatures.

Scientific studies in veterinary neurology and physiology have consistently demonstrated that animals subjected to slaughter without stunning experience acute distress, intense fear, and prolonged pain due to the delay in loss of consciousness following exsanguination. The release of catecholamines and corticosteroids—stress hormones triggered by terror and pain—contaminates the bloodstream and muscle tissue, potentially affecting the biochemical composition of the meat. From a biological perspective, such stress responses are not inconsequential; they have measurable implications for both meat quality and public health.

Theologically, for Christians, the concept of halal cannot be reconciled with Biblical dietary ethics. Acts 15:29 and 1 Corinthians 10:25–28 clearly prohibit the consumption of meat sacrificed to another deity. Therefore, any slaughter performed as a ritual act of devotion to Allah—who is not the Triune God of Christian revelation—renders the meat spiritually unclean (haram) to Christians. The Apostle Paul emphasized that believers must abstain from foods offered in pagan contexts, for participation in such practices implies spiritual fellowship with the altar of another faith (1 Corinthians 10:20–21).

In light of these ethical, scientific, and theological realities, halal slaughter without stunning cannot be defended as a humane or theologically neutral act. It represents not only a violation of animal welfare principles but also a fundamental conflict with Christian doctrine concerning sanctified food and worship. Thus, while modern societies continue to advance in moral and scientific understanding, the persistence of ritual slaughter practices that enshrine suffering stands as a relic of antiquity—ethically indefensible, spiritually incompatible, and scientifically harmful.



Nikāḥ ḥalālah (tahlīl) — an academic overview

 

Nikāḥ ḥalālah (tahlīl) — an academic overview

By Dr. Maxwell Shimba, Shimba Theological Institute

Abstract

This short paper explains the Islamic legal rule commonly called nikāḥ ḥalālah (also tahlīl): the situation in which a woman who has become permanently divorced from her first husband (after a third, irrevocable talaq) may only remarry him if, after that final divorce, she lawfully marries another man and that marriage is consummated and then ends. The note summarizes the scriptural bases (Qurʾān and ḥadīth), the classical juristic rationale, the prohibition of pre-arranged or manufactured halālah, and ethical implications. Key primary sources from the hadith corpus are cited.


1. Scriptural and textual basis

Qurʾānic text. The principal Qurʾānic verse is explicit: “And if he has divorced her (the third time), then she is not lawful unto him thereafter until she has married another husband.” (Qurʾān 2:230). This verse is the foundational legal text that creates the condition requiring an intervening marriage after an irrevocable third divorce. (Quran)

Prophetic practice and explanatory ḥadīth. The Prophet’s practice and sayings further explain what “another husband” and the required condition mean. Sahih reports narrated in collections such as Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhārī describe instances and rulings where the Prophet explained that the subsequent husband must consummate the marriage for the woman to become lawful again for her first husband. For example, Bukhārī records the Prophet’s reply that a wife who was divorced and then married another man can only return to her first husband if the second marriage was consummated in the normal way. (Sunnah.com)


2. The classical juristic rationale

Classical jurists (Hanafi, Shāfiʿī, Mālikī, and Ḥanbalī schools) read Qurʾān 2:230 together with the Prophet’s explanations to achieve two objectives:

  1. Protection against abuse. The rule prevents husbands from treating pronouncements of divorce as a reversible threat (pronouncing and then rescinding talaq capriciously) to coerce wives. The third, irrevocable divorce with the intervening-marriage condition is a deterrent against such abuse.

  2. Affirmation of marital sanctity. The requirement of a bona fide intervening marriage and consummation underscores that the woman cannot be made “lawful” again to her first husband by arrangement or artifice; rather a genuine change of marital status must occur. Classical manuals thus emphasize that the intervening marriage must be genuine and not a sham. (See classical commentaries on Kitāb al-Talaq and the works of jurists explaining Qurʾān 2:230.) (Quran)


3. Prohibition of pre-arranged halālah (manufactured tahlīl)

While the Qurʾān and Sunnah set the condition for returning after an irrevocable divorce, the Prophetic literature also contains clear condemnations of manufactured halālah — that is, when a man marries a divorced woman with the explicit intention of divorcing her solely so that she becomes lawful for her former husband. A hadith reported in Sunan Abī Dāwūd (and reported elsewhere) records the Prophet as saying, in reference to such conduct, “May Allah curse the muhallil and the muhallal lahu” — that is, the man who performs the intervening marriage as a trick and the man for whom this is being done. This hadith has been authenticated by many scholars and is widely used by jurists to declare pre-arranged tahlīl unlawful and morally condemned. (Sunnah.com)

Scholarly fatwās and juristic texts therefore distinguish sharply between:

  • A lawful intervening marriage (entered sincerely, consummated, and not undertaken as a ruse), which makes remarriage to the first husband legally possible; and

  • A sham/contracted halālah (a marriage contracted with the explicit, pre-agreed purpose of making the woman lawful for her ex-husband), which is condemned and invalid as a means to circumvent the law. (Islam-QA)


4. Representative ḥadīth evidence (select primary references)

  • Qurʾān 2:230 — the foundational verse establishing the intervening-marriage condition. (Quran)

  • Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhārī (Book of Divorce) — narrations describing that the married-again husband must consummate the marriage for return to the first husband to be permissible. (See Bukhārī, Book of Divorce, relevant hadiths). (Sunnah.com)

  • Sunan Abī Dāwūd 2076 / Sunan Ibn Mājah 1934 (and related chains) — the tradition recording: “May Allah curse the muhallil and the muhallal lahu,” used by classical jurists to proscribe pre-arranged halālah. (These reports have been assessed and authenticated to varying degrees by later scholars; they are widely cited in fiqh discussions on nikāḥ halālah.) (Sunnah.com)

Note: jurists also consult additional narrations and the context in which early Companions and the Prophet ruled on real cases; see classical commentaries on Kitāb al-Talaq for fuller chains and legal argumentation. (IIUM)


5. Practical and ethical considerations for contemporary application

  1. Do not arrange or instrumentalize another person. Islamic legal ethics and the explicit prophetic condemnation caution strongly against arranging an intervening marriage as a device to reverse an irrevocable divorce. Such behavior is described as sinful in the Prophetic traditions and undermines the moral aims of the law. (Sunnah.com)

  2. Protect the vulnerable. In many contemporary contexts, women are at risk when husbands use talaq irresponsibly or when economic and social pressures push women into exploitative arrangements. Scholars emphasize protective measures: family counseling, legal reform where necessary, and community education about the consequences of rash divorces.

  3. Authenticity of the second marriage matters. If, after a legitimate and consummated second marriage, that marriage ends (by divorce or death), reunification with the first husband is legally possible — provided the intervening marriage was entered into sincerely and not merely as a pretext. The law thus preserves an objective procedural reality (a genuine change of marital status) while discouraging circumvention. (Pfander Center)


6. Conclusion

Nikāḥ ḥalālah as a legal institution is rooted in Qurʾān 2:230 and expounded in the Sunnah and classical jurisprudence: it permits a woman, after an irrevocable triple divorce, to be lawful again for her first husband only after a genuine interposing marriage that was consummated. However, the prophetic condemnations recorded in the ḥadīth literature make clear that pre-arranged or instrumental uses of such intervening marriages to circumvent the law are forbidden, morally condemned, and—according to the ḥadīth—cursed. Ethical application therefore requires both fidelity to the text and protection of human dignity.


Select bibliography & primary sources (recommended reading)

  • Qurʾān 2:230 (exegesis and classical commentators). (Quran)

  • Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhārī — Book of Divorce (Kitāb al-Talaq), hadiths on remarriage after divorce. (Sunnah.com)

  • Sunan Abī Dāwūd, Hadith no. 2076 (on the curse of the muhallil and muhallal lahu). (Sunnah.com)

  • Sunan Ibn Mājah (related narrations) and juristic discussions on tahlīl and nikāḥ halālah. (Sunnah.com)

  • Contemporary fiqh explanations and fatāwā (e.g., IslamQA and IslamOnline summaries on tahleel/halala). (Islam-QA)



Militant Attack on Chibok: Churches and Vehicles Set Ablaze in Renewed Violence

 Breaking News Report – Academic Newsletter Edition

Date: November 8, 2025
Location: Chibok, Borno State, Nigeria

Headline:
Militant Attack on Chibok: Churches and Vehicles Set Ablaze in Renewed Violence

Report:
On November 8, 2025, armed militants affiliated with an Islamist extremist group launched a violent attack on the town of Chibok, located in Borno State, northeastern Nigeria. According to preliminary reports from local authorities and eyewitnesses, the assailants targeted several Christian churches and residential areas, setting vehicles and buildings ablaze.

The attack, which occurred in the late evening hours, reignited fears among residents who continue to face recurring waves of violence from extremist factions operating in the region. Witnesses described scenes of chaos and destruction, with smoke rising from burned structures and charred vehicles scattered across the town.

Local security forces have since been deployed to the area to restore order and assess the extent of damage. Humanitarian organizations are calling for urgent assistance to support displaced families and rebuild destroyed infrastructure.

This tragic incident underscores the persistent insecurity in northern Nigeria and the need for comprehensive peace and reconciliation initiatives to address the root causes of extremism, religious intolerance, and underdevelopment in the region.

Prepared by:
Dr. Maxwell Shimba
Shimba Theological Institute
Theological and Peace Studies Division

The Theological Infiltration of Islam into Christian Thought: A Critical Examination

The Theological Infiltration of Islam into Christian Thought: A Critical Examination

By Dr. Maxwell Shimba, Shimba Theological Institute

Throughout history, various theological systems have attempted to align themselves with or reinterpret elements of Christian doctrine. One of the most persistent efforts has come from Islamic theology, which claims continuity with the Judeo-Christian revelation while fundamentally diverging from its core tenets. Islam asserts that Allah is the same deity worshipped by Christians and Jews; however, this claim warrants serious theological scrutiny.

From a biblical and doctrinal standpoint, the God revealed in the person of Jesus Christ — the incarnate Son of God and the second person of the Holy Trinity — is fundamentally distinct from the Allah described in the Qur’an. The Christian understanding of God emphasizes divine love, relationality, and incarnation, culminating in the redemptive work of Christ (John 1:1–14; Colossians 1:15–20). Conversely, the Islamic conception of Allah explicitly denies the Trinity and the Sonship of Christ (Qur’an 4:171; 5:116–117), positioning itself in direct theological opposition to the essence of Christian revelation.

This persistent attempt to merge Islamic monotheism with Christian theology represents not a harmonious synthesis, but a form of doctrinal infiltration — an effort to obscure the uniqueness of the Christian faith. The Church must, therefore, remain vigilant in guarding the integrity of its message. As Scripture commands, believers must “contend for the faith that was once for all delivered to the saints” (Jude 1:3). The distinct identity of the Christian God — Father, Son, and Holy Spirit — must be upheld without compromise or confusion.

The safeguarding of Christian orthodoxy demands theological clarity, spiritual discernment, and unwavering commitment to the truth revealed in Christ alone (John 14:6). The Church must resist all attempts, however subtle, to conflate the God of the Bible with theological constructs that deny His triune nature and redemptive work through Jesus Christ.



An Academic Examination of Biblical Messengers and the Historical Non-Existence of Islam Prior to Muhammad

An Academic Examination of Biblical Messengers and the Historical Non-Existence of Islam Prior to Muhammad

By Dr. Maxwell Shimba, Shimba Theological Institute

Abstract

This article examines the claim—commonly advanced within Islamic polemics—that all biblical prophets were “Muslim.” Through historical linguistics, scriptural analysis, and examination of ancient Near Eastern religious history, this study demonstrates that no biblical figure identified as Muslim, practiced Islam as defined in Islamic scripture, or used the terminology Muslim or Islam. These terms did not exist in any historical, linguistic, or religious context prior to the rise of Muhammad in the 7th century CE. Furthermore, there is no extra-Qur’anic or extra-hadith evidence indicating the presence of such terminology or religious identity before Muhammad’s lifetime.


1. Introduction

Islamic tradition asserts that all prophets—from Adam to Jesus—were Muslims and taught Islam. While this theological claim is internal to Islamic belief, it does not reflect historical or biblical evidence. The question addressed here is not theological interpretation, but historical accuracy. When examined within historical, linguistic, and scriptural frameworks, the assertion that biblical messengers were Muslim is unsupported.

This study investigates the origins of the terms Muslim and Islam, their absence in pre-Islamic literature, and the religious identities of biblical figures within their own historical contexts.


2. Linguistic and Historical Origins of “Islam” and “Muslim”

The terms Islam (submission) and Muslim (one who submits) derive from the Arabic trilateral root S-L-M. The earliest recorded usage of these terms appears within the Qur’an itself, which emerged in the early 7th century CE under Muhammad.

2.1 Absence of Islamic Terminology in Ancient Sources

Exhaustive examinations of the following literatures reveal no occurrence of the words Islam, Muslim, or any semantic equivalents referring to an organized religion prior to the Qur’an:

  • Hebrew Bible / Old Testament (ca. 1400–400 BCE)

  • New Testament (1st century CE)

  • Dead Sea Scrolls (3rd century BCE–1st century CE)

  • Greek, Roman, and Jewish historical works (Herodotus, Josephus, Philo, Tacitus, etc.)

  • Ancient Near Eastern inscriptions from Mesopotamia, Egypt, Canaan, Arabia, and Persia

  • Pre-Islamic Arab poetry (Jāhiliyyah poetry)

There is no linguistic evidence that the term Muslim existed as a religious identifier before Islam’s emergence.


3. Religious Identity of Biblical Messengers

Every messenger in the Bible existed within well-documented historical religious traditions that predate Islam.

3.1 Patriarchs (Abraham, Isaac, Jacob)

The patriarchs belonged to the ancient Near Eastern Semitic culture and the early Yahwistic tradition. The Bible repeatedly identifies them as worshipers of YHWH, the God of Israel (Genesis 12:1; Genesis 26:24; Genesis 28:13).

Nowhere in the Hebrew Bible is any patriarch described using Arabic religious terminology.

3.2 Mosaic Prophets (Moses, Joshua, Samuel, David, Isaiah, Jeremiah, etc.)

Moses and the prophets operated within the Israelite covenantal framework established in Exodus, defined by:

  • Torah law

  • Levitical priesthood

  • Temple worship

  • Covenant identity of Israel

This system is historically and theologically distant from Islam, which appears 2,000 years later.

3.3 Jesus and the Apostles

Jesus of Nazareth was a Jew, born under Jewish law (Galatians 4:4).
The New Testament depicts Him teaching in synagogues, attending Jewish festivals, and affirming the Hebrew Scriptures (Matthew 5:17; John 5:39).

The apostles, likewise, were Jewish followers of Jesus who proclaimed the gospel within a Jewish and Greco-Roman environment—not an Islamic one.

There is no textual or historical evidence that Jesus or His disciples used Arabic religious terms or self-identified as Muslims.


4. Pre-Islamic Arabia and the Non-Existence of Islam

Historical studies of Arabia prior to Muhammad reveal a mixture of:

  • Arabian polytheism

  • Jewish communities

  • Christian groups (Nestorian, Monophysite)

  • Hanifs (monotheistic seekers with no organized system)

None of these groups used the term Islam or Muslim as a formal religious identifier.

The oldest inscriptions in Arabic—such as the 6th-century Namara inscription—contain no references to Islam or Muhammad, confirming the religion’s non-existence at the time.


5. The Qur’an as the First Appearance of Islamic Terms

The earliest attested use of Islam and Muslim appears within the Qur’an, including passages such as:

  • Qur’an 3:19: “Indeed, the religion with Allah is Islam.”

  • Qur’an 33:35: “The Muslims, men and women…”

  • Qur’an 22:78: “He named you Muslims…”

However, these references do not reflect pre-Islamic usage. Rather, they establish Islam’s theological retrojection—Islam asserts the earlier prophets were Muslims as a doctrinal claim, not as a historical fact.


6. Absence of Extra-Qur’anic Evidence

Even within Islamic historiography, early Muslim historians such as al-Tabari, Ibn Ishaq, and Ibn Hisham admit that:

  • Islam began with Muhammad

  • The Qur’an is the source of the identity “Muslim”

  • Pre-Islamic Arabs did not use Islamic terminology

There are no inscriptions, manuscripts, or historical citations outside Islamic scripture and tradition that mention Islam or Muslim before Muhammad’s prophetic career.


7. Conclusion

Historical, linguistic, and scriptural evidence leads to a definitive conclusion:

1. No messenger in the Bible was a Muslim.

Their identities were rooted in ancient Israelite and early Christian traditions.

2. The terms Islam and Muslim did not exist before Muhammad.

They appear first in the Qur’an in the 7th century CE.

3. There is no historical evidence—biblical, archaeological, linguistic, or extra-Qur’anic—to support the idea that Islam existed before Muhammad.

Thus, the claim that biblical prophets were “Muslim” is a theological assertion internal to Islamic doctrine, not a historical fact.



MUHAMMAD AND THE USE OF KOHL (WANJA)

MUHAMMAD AND THE USE OF KOHL (WANJA)

Many of us know that beauty products such as wanja (kohl), lipstick, and skin-lightening cosmetics are commonly used by women. But before questioning this practice, we must first understand the history of kohl and lipstick: When did their use begin? Historically, it is believed that these practices originated in the Arab world, with ancient Egyptian women being particularly skilled in applying cosmetics. This was part of a longstanding cultural tradition that carried deep significance within society.

For example, among some African communities such as the Wanyamwezi, Wadigo, and Wabondei, when a girl approached puberty, she was secluded, her body covered in ash, and upon emerging the women would apply wanja to her eyes. This ritual signified that the girl was now ready for marriage. A similar cultural meaning existed in the ancient Arab world.

Therefore, wanja held great symbolic value in early societies, and although the meaning has faded in modern times, among Arab communities a woman wearing kohl and red lipstick traditionally sent a message to men: she was expressing sexual desire. Her facial lips, painted red, represented the swelling and reddening of the genital lips when a woman was sexually aroused. This signaled to men that the woman was experiencing sexual longing.

Classical scientists and scholars such as Deus Hans and Desmond Morris (19th-century writers) have acknowledged this symbolic connection: when a woman applies kohl and red lipstick, it mimics the appearance of the female genitalia during sexual arousal, when they become swollen and red.

Although today most women wear makeup simply as beauty enhancement without implying anything sexual, during the time of Muhammad, the use of kohl and lipstick did carry these cultural messages—either sexual desire or readiness for marriage.

Islamic sources record that Muhammad himself used kohl. In Sunan Ibn Majah, Hadith No. 309, we read:

“Muhammad used to carry a horn comb with which he combed his hair. He had oil, and he had a mirror in which he looked at himself, and a container of kohl (wanja) which he applied to himself at night before sleeping. He loved using fragrances…”
(Description of the clothing and personal grooming of Muhammad, Section 26)

According to the cultural norms of the Arabs at that time, what did it mean for Muhammad to adorn himself in this way?
If kohl and lipstick symbolized sexual readiness in women, what was Muhammad’s intention in using them?

This raises serious questions within Islamic tradition.

Insults are a sign that one has run out of intellectual argument.
Bring evidence, not abuse.

This is a major theological crisis for Islam.



Psychological Analysis of Behavioral Cues

Psychological Analysis of Behavioral Cues
By Dr. Maxwell Shimba, Shimba Theological Institute

When evaluated through a psychological lens, the woman’s nonverbal behavior presents a constellation of indicators commonly associated with internal guilt, emotional conflict, or concealed involvement. Her hand movements are especially telling; such repetitive or protective gestures often function as subconscious self-soothing mechanisms. In clinical psychology, these actions frequently emerge when an individual is experiencing heightened anxiety or attempting to manage cognitive tension caused by undisclosed information.

Furthermore, her downward gaze is not incidental. Avoiding direct eye contact is a well-documented behavioral marker linked to shame, fear of exposure, or the psychological burden of withholding truth. This posture reflects an inward collapse—an expression of a mind struggling with the weight of its own hidden narrative.

When these cues—hand behavior, gaze aversion, and bodily tension—are observed together, they form a consistent pattern of emotional withdrawal. Although nonverbal communication alone cannot serve as definitive proof, the psychological evidence strongly suggests that she may be connected to the underlying matter and is consciously or unconsciously attempting to obscure her involvement.



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